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The magic of scripts
Excerpts from a paper titled ‘Scripting Minority Identities: Nationalism and Linguistic Diversity in Bangladesh’, by Prashanta Tripura[1]
A goat about to be sacrificed in a Tripura Ritual in Khagrachari (Photo by PT 2008) and a group of Mro performers in Bandarban (Source: National Geographic 1973)
While growing up in a Tripura village in Khagrachari, Bangladesh, I learnt a mythical tale that explained why the Tripuras did not have a script or writing system of their own. According to this myth, once upon a time the Tripuras did have their own alphabet, the letters of which were written on the leaves of a plant. Unfortunately, one day those precious leaves were eaten up by a goat, thus the Tripuras lost their script for ever. (To date, when goats are sacrificed on different rituals, Tripuras with flairs for the occult talk about how the lost letters can be discerned vaguely on the entrails of the slaughtered animals.) It turns out that such myths are not unique to the Tripuras, but are found in different forms among many other ethnic groups in Bangladesh and beyond. For example, the Mros – a people indigenous to the Bandarban hill district of Bangladesh and in some areas of Myanmar – too have a similar myth. In their case the mythical scapegoat is a gayal, a bovine that had been tasked by the god Turai to deliver the script and scriptures meant for the Mro people, but on the way it ate up its payload, thus depriving the Mros of a holy book of their own. Similarly, the Garos or Mandis have a myth that says that their ancestors lost their script during a long journey through a mountainous region as they got very hungry and ended up boiling and eating the animal skins on which the script had been written. While reflecting on such myths, this author speculated – in a Bangla article published in 2000 – that these stories could be interpreted as justification by non-literate cultures as to their distinctiveness vis-à-vis literate civilizations. Recently James Scott, in his The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia (first published in 2010), has brought up the possibility of a far more radical explanation as to what such stories mean, by suggesting that these may be treated as legends that ‘embody a germ of historical truth’ relating to societies that in many cases may be better conceptualized as having been postliterate as opposed to preliterate. In other words, the societies under consideration may have abandoned, or deliberately avoided, literacy along with state organization and intensive agriculture to pursue an alternative mode of being. However, this paper does not seek to dwell on or add to the perspective suggested by Scott. Instead, it invokes a much older anthropological notion that equated literacy with cultural advancement, and examines how similar notions continue to inform dominant views about the languages of the indigenous peoples of Bangladesh.
The older anthropological notion referred to above has to do with the fact that in nineteenth century anthropology (and in Western social thought more generally), literacy and the use of writing systems were widely viewed as important measures of the evolutionary heights achieved by different cultures or civilizations. The most ‘civilized’ societies were assumed to be those that possessed alphabets, particularly of phonetic varieties, whereas cultures lacking any form of writing system were thought of as ‘primitive’ (e.g. see Edward Burnett Tylor’s Primitive Culture, and Lewis Henry Morgan’s Ancient Society, published in 1871 and 1877 respectively). Although the label ‘primitive’ would soon become unfashionable as well as conceptually untenable within anthropology, it was simply replaced by categories like non-literate or preliterate that continued to reproduce, albeit in a less recognizable form, the same types of evolutionist notions and pejorative connotations that dichotomies such as civilized-primitive carried with them. For example, the very term ‘preliterate’ betrays a hidden assumption that literacy is an inevitable direction to which all societies have to move towards inexorably.
…
Given the cultural pride stemming from the idea of an ethnic group having its own script, in case of groups that do not possess their ‘own scripts’, there have been repeated attempts by many individuals to invent new ones. For example, as mentioned in my 2000 article referred to already, I personally knew of three Bangladeshi Tripuras who had invented scripts for Kokborok independently. Similarly, five Bangladeshi Garos are reported to have invented scripts for their language. Recently, I came across – on Facebook – two new scripts for Kokborok as invented by individuals in Tripura, India, where similar attempts have been observed among many Adivasi groups, as reported in a recent article titled Writing a new-identity: Indigenous tribes across India devising scripts.
Two of several invented scripts for Kokborok, as found on separate Facebook posts
While most invented scripts fail to generate sufficient support for them to be considered seriously, there are also a few notable exceptions. In Bangladesh, one such exception occurred among the Mros, the ethnic group whose script and scriptures had been eaten up by a mythical gayal. In a significant development, in the mid 1980s, a messianic figure by the name of Menlay arose from among the Mros, who were among the ethnic groups that had remained most resistant to external cultural influences. From the perspective of outsiders, until recently, one sign of the Mros remaining less acculturated was their semi-nude bodies, along with long hairs worn by men, very low rates of literacy and heavy dependence on jum (shifting) cultivation. In this context, Menlay emerged as a messianic leader who not only invented a script for his people, but also came up with a religion – complete with its own written codes – that came to be known as Krama. This new religion – which prescribed among other things a new dress code and hairstyle that would make converts look less exotic or ‘primitive’ – gained considerable following very quickly among the Mros (and even among many Khumis, a different ethnic group, members of which live closely with the Mros) in Bangladesh as well as across the border in Myanmar. Followers of the new religion were also expected to learn the new script, which began to be used in writing down codes of the Krama religion.[2]
Krama (‘Mro’) script on wood curving. Source: Language Log post on ‘Endangered Alphabets’ project, 2012
It so happens that there are also adherents of other religions – including traditional ‘animism’, Buddhism and Christianity – among the Mros. In case of Mros who converted to Christianity, some got used to using their language in written form in a limited way using the Roman script. However, with the spread of Krama, the newly devised Mro script caught on and was also quickly picked up by NGOs and other organizations that provided material support to promote its use at various levels including in schools at preprimary and primary levels. It is estimated that around 60% of Mros of Bangladesh are literate in their language (This figure probably includes individuals who learned the use of the script not from attending schools, but as part of taking part in Krama rituals). However, on the whole, official literacy rates among the Mros – measured in terms of formal schooling – still remain one of the lowest among all ethnic groups of the Chittagong Hill Tracts region of Bangladesh.
Mro children with ‘My Bangla’ textbook (left) and a Mro primer in Krama script, prepared under a donor-assisted project (Photo: PT 2014)
There are some indications that for a long period in the past (say over fifty years ago), the Mros used to be fairly contented and accustomed to a self-sufficient way of life. However, in the context of the recent history of the Chittagong Hill Tracts region of Bangladesh, the Mros have suffered immensely in various ways. For example they were armed and pitted against PCJSS, a regional political party that waged an armed campaign since the 1970s until the ‘peace’ accord of 1997, demanding regional autonomy for the indigenous peoples of the CHT region. It was in the context of such a violent background that the Mro script emerged. Menlay was among the first cohort of students attending a boarding school built exclusively for Mro children by military-backed regimes that ruled Bangladesh from 1975 to 1990. Menlay must have been an unusual student in the boarding school (launched around 1980) as he is said to have been 18 [but see footnote 3 below] when he enrolled as a first grader![3] The school was managed by teachers and administrators who were members of dominant ethnic groups that never tried to learn the Mro language. Reportedly they were reluctant to take Menlay in, but relented at his persistence (he camped out on the school compound where he had gone on a fast). However, by around 1984 he lost interest in school as well as in worldly affairs, and went away on a quest that would lead to the Krama script and religion by 1985. Within a year and a half of his dramatic revelation of the Krama script and religion, he ‘disappeared’, not to be seen or heard from again so far, though his followers believe that he will return one day.
Now the Mros have their script alright, but their lands continue to be grabbed by powerful interest groups of all kinds. They also continue to face increasing levels of poverty and violence, and there is indication that some of them reorganized into armed groups in recent years under names like Mro National Party. In this connection, it may be mentioned that Menrum Mro, a well-known educated person who had developed computer fonts called ‘Riyen’ for the Krama alphabet in 1996, is believed to have been a founder of one such group, but he is reported to have been killed sometime in 2012 or 2013 under circumstances that this author has not been able to find out any definite or reliable information on. If the above information about him is true, the question that we need to ask is, what are the circumstances that would drive a computer savvy educated Mro take up arms? Seen in a broader context, the story of the rise of the Mro (Krama) script is a remarkable one which has many layers that need to be examined far more deeply and thoroughly than what we can achieve in this paper. There are many more questions that remain to be asked and answered. In Bangladesh, the Mros are a minority among minorities, and as yet have very low literacy rates by formal standards. Yet in a remarkable development, almost in no time, they can now boast of a script of their own that has a Unicode version under development. What do we make of this? Will Menlay, who disappeared after leaving behind the ‘Mro script’, ever return as the messiah his followers believe him to be? Will the Mros be able to hold onto their remaining ancestral lands and their traditional livelihoods against all odds? Or does the tragic fate of Menrum Mro signal a realization on the part of some Mros that the Krama script or religion are not the magic bullets that can protect them from the onslaught of external forces (represented and/or facilitated by the state, market and development organizations of all kinds)?
Nilgiri – a military-run exclusive resort set up in traditional Mro territory (Photo from internet)
[1] The paper referred to was presented at the International Seminar on Comparative Literature: Questions of Language and Minority, held from 14th to 16th October, 2015, and organized by Centre for Comparative Literature, School of Humanities, University of Hyderabad, India. The excerpts reproduced here include selections from the introduction, and a sub-section that appears towards the end of the 10,000-words long paper prepared for the seminar. Feedback on the views and information presented here or any relevant queries would be most welcome, either as comments to this blog post, or by email to prashanta.tripura@gmail.com.
[2] Some of the details regarding the story of Menlay are taken from a Bangla article, by Mong Sing Neo, as retrieved from a CHT-related website where it had been posted in 2011. During my personal communication with him, M S Neo clarified that his article under consideration was originally a Kabishabha Yahoo group post of 2007, and that it had been published under a different title in a Chittagong-based daily later.
[3] [UPDATE, April 6, 2016] In a Bangla book on Menlay, titled Kramadi by Yangan Mro, published by Anagh Prakashan, Dhaka in 2015 (ইয়াংঙান ম্রো, ক্রামাদি, অনঘ প্রকাশন, ঢাকা, ২০১৫), it is mentioned that Menlay was aged 12 (not 18 as mentioned above) when he first enrolled at Mro Residential School in 1977.
Among the ethnic groups living in Chittagong Hill Tracts, Murong is a small ethnic minority group. Who live scattered in the hill district of Bandarban. The Mrus (Murang) are a tribe which formerly dwell in the Arakan hill, they now live principally to the west of the river sangu and along the Matamuhori river within Chittagong Hill Tracts. Mro are also Known as Mru and Murong. Chakmas and Marmas call them Lengta, Kuki or Langye or wild/primitive people while some people of the plains designate them as Murongs.
Geographical Distribution and population Size:
Murong community mostly found in Bandarban district. Murong lives in Lama, Ruma, Alikadam and Thanchi Upazilas near Chimbuk mountaion of Bandarban district. Mru also distributed in Toin, Mangu, Toinfa, Luloing, Uttarhangar, Dhakkinhanar, Tankabati, Harinzuri, Takerpanchari, Renikyong, Pantala Thankhyong, Swalock, Tindow, Singpa, Alikhaung and Bhariyatali Mouzas. The Mro population in Chittagong Hill Tracts in 1956 was 17000 and 1981, it stood at 20000 and in 1991, the Murong population in Bangladesh was 22,178 and constituted the fourth largest tribe in Chittagong Hill Tracts.
| Serial | Year | Population | Reference |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | 1872 | 2,378 | Sangu research paper, year six, Volume – One |
| 2 | 1956 | 17,000 | National Encydopedia of Bangladesh, Asiatic Society of BD. |
| 3 | 1959 | 16,121 | Parbottgo Chattagramer upajati translated by Sufic Khan |
| 4 | 1981 | 17,811 | B. H. Swarowardi |
| 5 | 1981 | 20,000 | National Encyclopedia of Bangladesh, Asiatic society of BD. |
| 6 | 1991 | 22,129 | Govt. Census of 1991. |
| Serial | Name of Upazila | Population | Year | Reference |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Bandarban Sadar | 5,223 | 1995 | Survey of Mro social council |
| 2 | Roangchari | 3,541 | 1995 | Survey of Mro social council |
| 3 | Ruma | 4,970 | 1995 | Survey of Mro social council |
| 4 | Thanchi | 10,191 | 1995 | Survey of Mro social council |
| 5 | Lama | 11,721 | 1995 | Survey of Mro social council |
| 6 | Alikadam | 21,861 | 1995 | Survey of Mro social council |
| 7 | Naikhangchari | 2,241 | 1995 | Survey of Mro social council |
| 8 | Total | 59,748 | 1995 | Survey of Mro social council |
Murongs are famous aborigines of Arakan and the two Murong kings who ruled Arakan in the tenth century, were A-mya-thu (957) and Pai-phyu (964). At that time wathaly was the capital city of Arakan.
Murong had a bloody war with Khumi on the bank of the Koladain. The Khumi tribe difeated the Murongs and ousted them from Arakan. Murongs moved to Chittagong Hill Tracts some times between the 17th and 18th centuries. Many however, believe that this happened in the 14th century. Murongs living in the district of Khagrachari are in fact a clan of the Tripura. There is a linguistic affinity between the two groups of people. In the Indian state of Tripura, the counterparts of Murongs are Known as Riangs. However, on many occasions, Mros are contemptuously Called Mro-Dang or Myawktong, Meaning lower type of animal being. But Mros introduce themselves as Mro-cha. The word Mro means man and cha stands for being.
In the 14th century, Mros were driver out from Arakan by Khumis, a powerful tribe. They moved to the Hill Tracts of Bandarban and settled Sangu along the Matamuhuri river. This is supported by a letter of the king of Burma to the chief of Chittagong district. The king stated in the letter that that some Murongs Arakan and took refuge in the Chittagong region, from where they operated raids on the both sides of the border.
Mros have mongoloid features but are tall and strong and have dark complexion. They are peaceful and timed. Moustache and beard are hardly seen on their face. Physically they have a close resemble with Semang of Malaysia.
Mros take boiled rice twice a day and consume all types of meat but hardly use spicy items in cooking curry. Dry fish is their favorite food. Drinking is popular and they have no taboo as regards any food. Rice and home made bear are their main food and drink. Their delicacy is nappi made of fermented fat of fish, frog, deer or boar mixed fermented rice.
They build their houses on hilltops. The houses are big and seem to be built for community dwelling. Murongs build houses on Machangs (plat froms) on the top of the hills. Their houses are bigger than the houses of other tribes. This main profession of the Murongs is Zhum cultivation and lumbering wood from jungle. Women work harder than the men. Mros depend mainly on hunting but many of them are now engaged in zhum cultivatiom, zautha Khamar (colleetive farming) and gardening. Mro women are very active in economic pursuits, weave their own clothes and manage all affairs of the house.
Mro men wear round the waist a strip of cloth called legti, which is passed between the two legs. The female use a small piece of dark blue cloth (wanglai) to cover the private part of the body. The wanglai is 6 inches in width from top to bottom. The women hardly cover their breasts. They bind their hairs on the left side of the back of the head.
Male wears a lungi and a shirt and female uses a piece of cloth on the upper part of her body when they go to the market.